pursuits to
that, is more likely to make us a numerous and happy people, than the
mimicry of an Amsterdam, a Hamburgh, or a city of London. Every society
has a right to fix the fundamental principles of its association, and
to say to all individuals, that, if they contemplate pursuits beyond
the limits of these principles, and involving dangers which the society
chooses to avoid, they must go somewhere else for their exercise; that
we want no citizens, and still less ephemeral and pseudo-citizens, on
such terms. We may exclude them from our territory, as we do persons
infected with disease. Such is the situation of our country. We have
most abundant resources of happiness within ourselves, which we may
enjoy in peace and safety, without permitting a few citizens, infected
with the mania of rambling and gambling, to bring danger on the great
mass engaged in innocent and safe pursuits at home. In your letter to
Fisk, you have fairly stated the alternatives between which we are to
choose: 1. licentious commerce and gambling speculations for a few, with
eternal war for the many; or, 2. restricted commerce, peace, and steady
occupations for all. If any State in the Union will declare that it
prefers separation with the first alternative, to a continuance in union
without it, I have no hesitation in saying, 'Let us separate.' I would
rather the States should withdraw, which are for unlimited commerce
and war, and confederate with those alone which are for peace and
agriculture. I know that every nation in Europe would join in sincere
amity with the latter, and hold the former at arm's length, by
jealousies, prohibitions, restrictions, vexations, and war. No earthly
consideration could induce my consent to contract such a debt as England
has by her wars for commerce, to reduce our citizens by taxes to such
wretchedness, as that laboring sixteen of the twenty-four hours, they
are still unable to afford themselves bread, or barely to earn as much
oatmeal or potatoes as will keep soul and body together. And all this
to feed the avidity of a few millionary merchants, and to keep up
one thousand ships of war for the protection of their commercial
speculations. I returned from Europe after our government had got under
way, and had adopted from the British code the law of drawbacks. I early
saw its effects in the jealousies and vexations of Britain; and that,
retaining it, we must become, like her, an essentially warring nation,
and m