ritical knowledge of books
would hardly be adequate.

Present my high respects to Mrs. Adams, and accept yourself the
assurances of my affectionate attachment.

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CXXVII.--TO MR. LEIPER, June 12, 1815

TO MR. LEIPER.

Monticello, June 12, 1815.

Dear Sir,

A journey soon after the receipt of your favor of April the 17th and
an absence from home of some continuance, have prevented my earlier
acknowledgment of it. In that came safely my letter of January the 2nd,
1814. In our principles of government we differ not at all; nor in the
general object and tenor of political measures. We concur in considering
the government of England as totally without morality, insolent beyond
bearing, inflated with vanity and ambition, aiming at the exclusive
dominion of the sea, lost in corruption, of deep-rooted hatred towards
us, hostile to liberty wherever it endeavors to show its head, and
the eternal disturber of the peace of the world. In our estimate of
Bonaparte, I suspect we differ. I view him as a political engine only,
and a very wicked one; you, I believe, as both political and religious,
and obeying, as an instrument, an unseen hand. I still deprecate his
becoming sole lord of the continent of Europe, which he would have been,
had he reached in triumph the gates of Petersburg. The establishment in
our day of another Roman. empire, spreading vassalage and depravity over
the face of the globe, is not, I hope, within the purposes of Heaven.
Nor does the return of Bonaparte give me pleasure unmixed; I see in his
expulsion of the Bourbons, a valuable lesson to the world, as showing
that its ancient dynasties may be changed for their misrule. Should the
allied powers presume to dictate a ruler and government to France, and
follow the example he had set of parcelling and usurping to themselves
their neighbor nations, I hope he will give them another lesson in
vindication of the rights of independence and self-government, which
himself had heretofore so much abused, and that in this contest he
will wear down the maritime power of England to limitable and safe
dimensions. So far, good. It cannot be denied, on the other hand, that
his successful perversion of the force (committed to him for vindicating
the rights and liberties of his country) to usurp its government, and
to enchain it under an hereditary despotism, is of baneful effect in
encouraging future usurpations, and deterring those under opp