ted; in other words, that the
people have less regular control over their agents, than their rights
and their interest require. And this I ascribe, not to any want of
republican dispositions in those who formed these constitutions, but to
a submission of true principle to European authorities, to speculators
on government, whose fears of the people have been inspired by the
populace of their own great cities, and were unjustly entertained
against the independent, the happy, and therefore orderly citizens of
the United States. Much I apprehend that the golden moment is past
for reforming these heresies. The functionaries of public power rarely
strengthen in their dispositions to abridge it, and an unorganized
call for timely amendment is not likely to prevail against an organized
opposition to it. We are always told that things are going on well; why
change them? '_Chi sta bene, non si muova_,' says the Italian, 'Let him
who stands well, stand still.' This is true; and I verily believe they
would go on well with us under an absolute monarch, while our
present character remains, of order, industry, and love of peace, and
restrained, as he would be, by the proper spirit of the people. But it
is while it remains such, we should provide against the consequences of
its deterioration. And let us rest in the hope that it will yet be done,
and spare ourselves the pain of evils which may never happen.

On this view of the import of the term republic, instead of saying, as
has been said, 'that it may mean any thing or nothing,' we may say with
truth and meaning, that governments are more or less republican, as
they have more or less of the element of popular election and control in
their composition: and believing, as I do, that the mass of the citizens
is the safest depository of their own rights, and especially, that the
evils flowing from the duperies of the people, are less injurious than
those from the egoism of their agents, I am a friend to that composition
of government which has in it the most of this ingredient. And I
sincerely believe, with you, that banking establishments are more
dangerous than standing armies; and that the principle of spending money
to be paid by posterity, under the name of funding, is but swindling
futurity on a large scale.

I salute you with constant friendship and respect.

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CXXXII.--TO FRANCIS W. GILMER, June 7,1816

TO FRANCIS W. GILMER.

Monticello, June