majority of landowners, both conservative and liberal, remained
strangers to the people among whom they lived, whose labor they
employed, and for whose welfare many were in earnest concerned. The
Constitutional Democratic party is strong in the cities. In the country
it has no followers and in the sweeping incendiary fires of 1905-06
estates were burned which belonged in several cases to men who spent
their life in fighting for freedom against the tsar's government.

No less unfortunate is the party in its relation to the class of factory
workers. That part of its program which relates to the labor question
embraces a number of important reforms meeting almost all demands of the
working class. The barrier between them is the capitalistic principle.
A perusal of the lists of Constitutional Democrats who have subscribed
large sums for the Russian liberty loan will show why workmen speak of
them as capitalists even though the party has accepted the principle of
progressive income taxation. There is a feeling of intense hatred toward
all Constitutional Democrats on the part of all workmen.

Nothing is more instructive than the rapid change in the position which
the Constitutional Democratic party occupied in the eyes of the people
after the revolution. Before the outbreak of hostilities all parties
were against war. But soon, under the influence of the German methods
of warfare in Belgium, France, and Russia, the feeling changed. Even the
Mensheviki among the Social-Democrats declared themselves in favor of
war and the only party remaining firm in condemning all war was that
of the Bolsheviki. The entrance of the Turks into the war was almost
considered a godsend by the Constitutional Democrats, Octoberists,
and Conservatives in the Duma because it cleared the way for a final
settlement of the Balkan problem and promised the elimination of Turkey
from Europe. Long after Sazonov was removed, when the consent of England
and France to give Russia free hand in Constantinople and the Straits
was read in a telegram before the Duma, a general outburst of enthusiasm
took place, the members demanding to know why Sazonov, who was justly
credited with this achievement, was in retirement and not in charge
of the foreign office which he should have held by right. Miliukov's
speeches and writings on the future settlement of the Balkan problem
were jokingly spoken of as his dissertation for the degree of foreign
secretary. At home the par