ialist ministers also held
themselves directly responsible to the Councils. Finally the socialist
members of the government tried to force immediate decisions on
questions of a fundamental nature, which should be decided only by the
Constituent Assembly, thus not adhering to the program drawn up as the
basis for the coalition. The position of the non-socialist members of
the government therefore became untenable, and a whole group of them
resigned.

The resignation of the most influential bourgeois group of the first
Coalition Government coincided quite accidentally with an armed uprising
which the extremists, the Bolsheviki, had been planning for several
weeks. For the extremists were again putting forward their demand,
this time supported by armed force, that all the "capitalist" ministers
resign, and that all authority pass into the hands of the Councils. But
the Councils refused to take over authority, the constructive majority
replying that they would not accept the responsibility. In their
judgment only a government representing all the vital forces of the
country, that is a coalition government, could succeed. The moderate
socialists prevailed in the Councils, and a second coalition was formed,
this time under the presidency of a socialist, Kerensky. Some
weeks elapsed before the new government was finally organized. The
non-socialist groups were willing to enter a coalition government led
by a socialist, but only on a definite program, which would exclude all
fundamental legislation. Objection was raised also to certain individual
socialists, whose record in the first coalition government made one
doubt their willingness to adhere honestly to any coalition program.
This objection was withdrawn later; but the non-socialists gave
only their second-best men as members of the new government. The
non-socialists also had demanded that the Provisional Government be
absolutely independent, its members not responsible to any councils or
party committees. For the Councils of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies
were as we saw exclusively socialistic, and had become mere party
bodies.

In the meantime the democratization of local government bodies was
going on apace, and very successfully in view of the chaotic conditions
produced by revolution and war. As the new local municipal and
provincial councils, elected by universal suffrage, began to convene,
the revolutionary committees and councils were expected gradually to
dis