appear. The elections for the Constituent Assembly were to take place
as soon as the new local governing bodies could verify and correct the
lists of voters. The Constituent Assembly was to replace definitely not
only all revolutionary councils and committees, but also the Duma,
which continued to exist legally, though without functioning. The
main objective of the constructive elements was to hold the situation
together until the Constituent Assembly could be convened; the date had
been advanced, even at a sacrifice of regularity in election procedure.
And a coalition government seemed to be the only possible solution,
despite the difficulties already encountered in applying the principle.

The councils, the land committees and the other organizations that had
come into existence with and in the course of the revolution were, as we
saw, almost exclusively socialist in their political affiliations.
This was true even of the peasant congresses, though it was generally
admitted that the bulk of the peasantry was not consciously socialistic.
Of all the revolutionary bodies the peasant councils were clearly the
least representative. This was particularly true of the first alleged
all-Russian Peasant Congress. The peasantry, the great mass of the
population, became articulate very slowly. The non-socialist groups were
striving to bring about a more true expression of peasant views;
and their moderate program was making headway, though they found
it difficult to compete with the extremists, who made most generous
promises. But the non-socialist groups were beginning to take a
stronger line, as they saw the experiments of the extremists lead to
disillusionment. They proposed to organize councils and congresses of
the non-socialist elements. This project was immediately branded as
counter-revolutionary by "revolutionary democracy." Perhaps to ward off
the contemplated move of the non-socialists, Kerensky issued a general
invitation for a state conference at Moscow of all parties, groups,
and organizations, at which the opinions of all could be expressed,
presumably for the guidance of the Coalition Government.

The Moscow Conference did in fact give to all organizations, Duma,
Councils of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies, the recently elected
local-government bodies, cooeperative and professional unions, in
fact every group, socialist and non-socialist, revolutionary and
pre-revolutionary institutions, the opportunity to expres