n. But the point involved, namely, the charge of England's
aggression in the present instance, is clearly an a priori one, based on
a presupposition of monopoly which lacks material support. No evidence
is presented to justify the statement, nor do the facts seem to allow of
any such construction.

The second argument, England's support of Russia's unwillingness to
permit the expiation of an ignominious murder, is a strange and
unfortunate commentary on how even in philosophic minds a preconceived
idea will distort the most unmistakable evidence. For Servia in her
reply to the Austrian demands agreed to have just punishment inflicted
upon the murderers, even going so far as to cause the arrest of those
perhaps unjustly suspected by the Austrian committee and to suggest an
international court. How, then, did Russia stand in the way of the
punishment? Austria declared war, with the self-confessed assurances of
German support, all too obviously for reasons other than the ones
mentioned in the ultimatum to which Servia acquiesced. The charge of
Russian mobilization in view of such a situation suggests the temper of
the man who, when caught in his own bear trap, tries to find his
neighbor at fault. Suppose Germany had remained on the defensive, would
war have been likely? Suppose Germany had not backed up the entirely
unjustifiable military movement of Austria, would the general war have
been probable?

Where Nietzsche Comes In.

It seems more likely when one passes in review the extant data that at
least one and a crucial cause for the present situation is the
"overwhelming power and unbending will to victory in the German people"
when confronted with an opportunity for the "further expansion of their
greatness." That such phrases should be in the mouths of our apologists
for the war is significant. And that the invasion of Belgium "so
necessary for the Germans" is treated by the spokesmen of morality
solely and confessedly from the standpoint of military expediency seems
to indicate the permeation of the Nietzsche superman into the very
stronghold of idealistic philosophy.

It would, of course, be as absurd to suppose Nietzsche a direct cause of
this war as it would be to regard the Serajevo murderers as the sole
cause. Nietzsche was and is an exponent of his time, as well as one
reciprocally fostering such movements as Bernhardi militarism and the
Crown Prince's war book. Perhaps it will not be inappropriate here to