rage. That leverage can only be found in their equitable and
mature consideration of what is due to the fixed desire of a
nation, clearly and constitutionally expressed. Their
prepossessions will not be altogether favourable; and they cannot
in this matter be bullied.

I have therefore endeavoured to lay the ground by stating largely
the possibility and the gravity, even the solemnity, of that
demand. I am convinced that this is the only path which can lead
to success. With such a weapon, one might go hopefully into
action. But I well know, from a thousand indications past and
present, that a new project of mine launched into the air, would
have no _momentum_ which could carry it to its aim. So, in my
mind, stands the case....

Three days before this letter, Mr. Gladstone had replied to one from Lord
Hartington:--

_To Lord Hartington._

_Dalmeny, Nov. 10, 1885._--I made a beginning yesterday in one of
my conversation speeches, so to call them, on the way, by laying
it down that I was particularly bound to prevent, if I could, the
domination of sectional opinion over the body and action of the
party.

I wish to say something about the modern radicalism. But I must
include this, that if it is rampant and ambitious, the two most
prominent causes of its forwardness have been: 1. Tory democracy.
2. The gradual disintegration of the liberal aristocracy. On both
these subjects my opinions are strong. I think the conduct of the
Duke of Bedford and others has been as unjustifiable as it was
foolish, especially after what we did to save the House of Lords
from itself in the business of the franchise.

Nor can I deny that the question of the House of Lords, of the
church, or both, will probably split the liberal party. But let it
split decently, honourably, and for cause. That it should split
now would, so far as I see, be ludicrous.

So far I have been writing in great sympathy with you, but now I
touch a point where our lines have not been the same. You have, I
think, courted the hostility of Parnell. Salisbury has carefully
avoided doing this, and last night he simply confined himself to
two conditions, which you and I both think vital; namely, the
unity of the empire and an honourable regard to the position of
the "minority," _i.e._ the landlords. You will see in the