w aspect, however chimerical it may now seem to those who
do not take long views, had gained upon him. He could not be blind to the
fact that the action and the language of the tory ministers during the
last six months had shown an unquestionable readiness to face the new
necessities of a complex situation with new methods. Why should not a
solution of the present difficulties be sought in the same co-operation of
parties, that had been as advantageous as it was indispensable in other
critical occasions of the century? He recalled other leading precedents of
national crisis. There was the repeal of the Test Act in 1828; catholic
emancipation in 1829; the repeal of the corn law in 1846; the extension of
the franchise in 1867. In the history of these memorable transactions, Mr.
Gladstone perceived it to be extremely doubtful whether any one of these
measures, all carried as they were by tory governments, could have become
law except under the peculiar conditions which secured for each of them
both the aid of the liberal vote in the House of Commons, and the
authority possessed by all tory governments in the House of Lords. What
was the situation? The ministerial party just reached the figure of two
hundred and fifty-one. Mr. Gladstone had said in the course of the
election that for a government in a minority to deal with the Irish
question would not be safe, such an operation could not but be attended by
danger; but the tender of his support to Lord Salisbury was a
demonstration that he thought the operation might still properly be
undertaken.(167)

_To Herbert Gladstone._

_December 10, 1885._--1. The nationalists have run in political
alliance with the tories for years; more especially for six
months; most of all at the close during the elections, when _they_
have made us 335 (say) against 250 [conservatives] instead of 355
against 230. This alliance is therefore at its zenith. 2. The
question of Irish government ought for the highest reasons to be
settled at once, and settled by the allied forces, (1) because
they have the government, (2) because their measure will have fair
play from all, most, or many of us, which a measure of ours would
not have from the tories. 3. As the allied forces are half the
House, so that there is not a majority against them, no
constitutional principle is violated by allowing the present
cabinet to continue undisturbed for the purpo