advice. Of course
the reserve of his speech was as significant of Irish concession, as the
most open declaration would have been. Yet there was no rebellion. This
was felt by ministers to be a decisive omen of the general support likely
to be given to Mr. Gladstone's supposed policy by his own party. Mr.
Parnell offered some complimentary remarks on the language of Mr.
Gladstone, but he made no move in the direction of an amendment. The
public outside looked on with stupefaction. For two or three days all
seemed to be in suspense. But the two ministerial leaders in the Commons
knew how to read the signs. What Sir Michael (M105) Hicks Beach and Lord
Randolph foresaw, for one thing was an understanding between Mr. Gladstone
and the Irishmen, and for another, they foresaw the acquiescence of the
mass of the liberals. This twofold discovery cleared the ground for a
decision. After the second night's debate ministers saw that the only
chance now was to propose coercion. Then it was that the ephemeral chief
secretary had started on his voyage for the discovery of something that
had already been found.

V

On the afternoon of the 26th, the leader of the House gave notice that two
days later the new Irish secretary would ask leave to introduce a bill
dealing with the National League, with intimidation, and with the
protection of life, property, and public order. This would be followed by
a bill dealing with land, pursuing in a more extensive sense the policy of
the Ashbourne Act of the year before. The great issue was thus at last
brought suddenly and nakedly into view. When the Irish secretary reached
Euston Square on the morning of the 27th, he found that his government was
out.

The crucial announcement of the 26th of January compelled a prompt
determination, and Mr. Gladstone did not shrink. A protest against a
return to coercion as the answer of the British parliament to the
extraordinary demonstration from Ireland, carried with it the
responsibility of office, and this responsibility Mr. Gladstone had
resolved to undertake.

The determining event of these transactions,--he says in the
fragment already cited,--was the declaration of the government that
they would propose coercion for Ireland. This declaration put an
end to all the hopes and expectations associated with the mission
of Lord Carnarvon. Not perhaps in mere logic, but practically, it
was now plain that Ireland had no hope fr