passed into his room at the House with Mr. Gladstone that
night, he seemed for the first time to bend under the crushing weight of
the burden that he had taken up.

V

When ministers went into the cabinet on the following day, three of them
inclined pretty strongly towards resignation as a better course than
dissolution; mainly on the ground that the incoming government would then
have to go to the country with a policy of their own. Mr. Gladstone,
however, entirely composed though pallid, at once opened the case with a
list of twelve reasons for recommending dissolution, and the reasons were
so cogent that his opening of the case was also its closing. They were
entirely characteristic, for they began with precedent and the key was
courage. He knew of no instance where a ministry defeated under
circumstances like ours, upon a great policy or on a vote of confidence,
failed to appeal to the country. Then with a view to the enthusiasm of our
friends in this country, as well as to feeling in Ireland, it was
essential that we should not let the flag go down. We had been constantly
challenged to a dissolution, and not to take the challenge up would be a
proof of mistrust, weakness, and a faint heart. "My conclusion is," he
said, "a dissolution is formidable, but resignation would mean for the
present juncture abandonment of the cause." His conclusion was accepted
without comment. The experts outside the cabinet were convinced that a
bold front was the best way of securing the full fighting power of the
party. The white feather on such an issue, and with so many minds
wavering, would be a sure provocative of defeat.

Mr. Gladstone enumerated to the Queen what he took to be the new elements
in the case. There were on the side of the government, 1. The transfer of
the Irish vote from, the tories, 2. The popular enthusiasm in the liberal
masses which he had never seen equalled. But what was the electoral value
of enthusiasm against (_a_) anti-Irish prejudices, (_b_) the power of
rank, station, and wealth, (_c_) the kind of influence exercised by the
established clergy, 'perversely applied as of course Mr. Gladstone thinks
in politics, but resting upon a very solid basis as founded on the
generally excellent and devoted work which they do in their parishes'?
This remained to be proved. On the other side there was the whig
defection, with the strange and unnatural addition from Birmingham. "Mr.
Gladstone himself has no sk