similarly lacking, such a liberal
government would be entitled to the best general support I could
give it.

The reference of this memorandum to Lords Granville and Spencer was
regarded as one of the first informal steps towards a consultation of
leaders. On receiving Lord Spencer's reply on the point of procedure Mr.
Gladstone wrote to him (December 30):--

_To Lord Spencer._

I understand your idea to be that inasmuch as leaders of the party
are likely to be divided on the subject of a bold Irish measure,
and a divergence might be exhibited in a vote on the Address, it
may be better to allow the tory government, with 250 supporters in
a house of 670, to assume the direction of the session and
continue the administration of imperial affairs. I do not
undervalue the dangers of the other course. But let us look at
this one--

1. It is an absolute novelty.

2. Is it not a novelty which strikes at the root of our
parliamentary government? under which the first duty of a majority
freshly elected, according to a uniform course of precedent and a
very clear principle, is to establish a government which has its
confidence.

3. Will this abdication of primary duty avert or materially
postpone the (apprehended) disruption of the party? Who can
guarantee us against an Irish or independent amendment to the
Address? The government must in any case produce at once their
Irish plan. What will have been gained by waiting for it? The
Irish will know three things--(1) That I am conditionally in favour
of at least examining their demand. (2) That from the nature of
the case, I must hold this question paramount to every interest of
party. (3) That a part, to speak within bounds, of the liberal
party will follow me in this respect. Can it be supposed that in
these circumstances they will long refrain, or possibly refrain at
all? With their knowledge of possibilities behind them, _dare_
they long refrain? An immense loss of dignity in a great crisis of
the empire would attend the forcing of our hands by the Irish or
otherwise. There is no necessity for an instant decision. My
desire is thoroughly to shake up all the materials of the
question. The present leaning of my mind is to consider the faults
and dangers of abstention greater than those of a more decided
course. Hence, in part, my