ion that
much perturbed him, and shed an ominous light on the prospect of liberal
unity. This communication he described to Lord Granville:--

_21 Carlton House Terrace, Jan. 18, 1886._--Hartington writes to me
a letter indicating the possibility that on Thursday, while I
announce with reasons a policy of silence and reserve, he may feel
it his duty to declare his determination "to maintain the
legislative union," that is to proclaim a policy (so I understand
the phrase) of absolute resistance without examination to the
demand made by Ireland through five-sixths of her members. This is
to play the tory game with a vengeance. They are now, most rashly
not to say more, working the Irish question to split the liberal
party.

It seems to me that if a gratuitous declaration of this kind is
made, it must produce an explosion; and that in a week's time
Hartington will have to consider whether he will lead the liberal
party himself, or leave it to chaos. He will make my position
impossible. When, in conformity with the wishes expressed to me, I
changed my plans and became a candidate at the general election,
my motives were two. The _first_, a hope that I might be able to
contribute towards some pacific settlement of the Irish question.
The _second_, a desire to prevent the splitting of the party, of
which there appeared to be an immediate danger. The second object
has thus far been attained. But it may at any moment be lost, and
the most disastrous mode of losing it perhaps would be that now
brought into view. It would be certainly opposed to my convictions
and determination, to attempt to lead anything like a home rule
opposition, and to make this subject--the strife of nations--the
dividing line between parties. This being so, I do not see how I
could as leader survive a gratuitous declaration of opposition to
me such as Hartington appears to meditate. If he still meditates
it, ought not the party to be previously informed?

Pray, consider whether you can bring this subject before him, less
invidiously than I. I have explained to you and I believe to him,
and I believe you approve, my general idea, that we ought not to
join issue with the government on what is called home rule (which
indeed the social state of Ireland may effectually thrust aside
for the time); and that still less o