he grand revolt of
the peasants, and declared that it was the most remarkable transformation
since the conversion of the Franks. Turned into prose, this meant that the
liberals had extended their area into large rural provinces where hitherto
tory supremacy had never been disputed. Whether or no Mr. Chamberlain had
broken the party in the boroughs, his agrarian policy together with the
natural uprising of the labourer against the party of squire and farmer,
had saved it in the counties. The nominees of such territorial magnates as
the Northumberlands, the Pembrokes, the Baths, the Bradfords, the Watkin
Wynns, were all routed, and the shock to territorial influence was felt to
be profound. An ardent agrarian reformer, who later became a conspicuous
unionist, writing to Mr. Gladstone in July a description of a number of
great rural gatherings, told him, "One universal feature of these meetings
is the joy, affection, and unbounded applause with which your name is
received by these earnest men. Never in all your history had you so strong
a place in the hearts of the common people, as you have to-day. It
requires to be seen to be realised."

All was at last over. It then appeared that so far from there being a
second version of the great tory reaction of 1874, the liberals had now in
the new parliament a majority over tories of 82, or thirty under the
corresponding majority in the year of marvel, 1880. In great Britain they
had a majority of 100, being 333 against 233.(162) But (M95) they had no
majority over tories and Irishmen combined. That hopeful dream had glided
away through the ivory gate.

Shots between right wing and left of the liberal party were exchanged to
the very last moment. When the borough elections were over, the Birmingham
leader cried that so far from the loss in the boroughs being all the fault
of the extreme liberals, it was just because the election had not been
fought on their programme, but was fought instead on a manifesto that did
not include one of the points to which the extreme liberals attached the
greatest importance. For the sake of unity, they had put aside their most
cherished principles, disestablishment for instance, and this, forsooth,
was the result.(163) The retort came as quickly as thunder after the
flash. Lord Hartington promptly protested from Matlock, that the very
crisis of the electoral conflict was an ill-chosen moment for the public
expression of doubt by a prominent liberal