ich make it
impossible for either of the Contracting Parties to observe
neutrality toward the other beyond what is provided by the
preceding limitations is excluded in conformity with the
provisions contained in Article 2.

Anxious as I was to agree with the Chancellor, who seemed as keen as I
was to meet me with expressions which I might take back to England for
friendly consideration, I was unable to hold out to him the least
prospect that we could accept the draft formula which he had just
proposed. Under Article 2, for example, we should find ourselves, were
it accepted, precluded from coming to the assistance of France should
Germany attack her and aim at getting possession of such ports as
Dunkirk, Calais, and Boulogne, a friendly occupation of which was so
important for our island security. Difficulties might also arise which
would hamper us in the discharge of our existing treaty obligations to
Belgium, Portugal, and Japan. The most hopeful way out was to revise the
draft fundamentally by confining its terms to an undertaking by each
Power not to make any unprovoked attack upon the other, or join in any
combination or design against the other for purposes of aggression, or
become party to any plan or naval or military combination, alone or in
conjunction with any other Power, directed to such an end.

He and I then sat down and redrafted what he had prepared, on this
basis, but without his committing himself to the view that it would be
sufficient. We also had a satisfactory conversation about the Bagdad
Railway and other things in Turkey connected with the Persian Gulf, and
we discussed possibilities of the rearrangement of certain interests of
both Powers in Africa. He said to me that he was not there to make any
immediate bargain, but that we should look at the African question on
both sides from a high point of view, and that if we had any
difficulties we should tell him, and he would see whether he could get
round them for us.

I replied that I also was not there to make a bargain, but only to
explore the ground, and that I much appreciated the tone of his
conversation with me, and the good feeling he had shown. I should go
back to London and without delay report to my colleagues all that had
passed.

I entertain no doubt that the German Chancellor was sincerely in earnest
in what he said to me on these occasions, and in his desire to improve
relations with us and keep the peace. So I think was