hich has been presented to me, this is the worst and most
inexcusable." He once sent a scolding message to the State Senate, in
which he said that "the money of the State is apparently expended with
no regard to economy," and that "barefaced jobbery has been permitted."
The Senate having refused to confirm a certain appointee, he declared
that the opposition had "its rise in an overwhelming greed for the
patronage which may attach to the place," and that the practical
effect of such opposition was to perpetuate "the practice of unblushing
peculation." What he said was quite true and it was the kind of truth
that hurt. The brusqueness of his official style and the censoriousness
of his language infused even more personal bitterness into the
opposition which developed within his own party than in that felt in the
ranks of the opposing party. At the same time, these traits delighted
a growing body of reformers hostile to both the regular parties. These
"Mugwumps," as they were called, were as a class so addicted to personal
invective that it was said of them with as much truth as wit that they
brought malice into politics without even the excuse of partisanship.
But it was probably the enthusiastic support of this class which turned
the scale in New York in the presidential election of 1884.

In the national conventions of that year, there was an unusually small
amount of factional strife. In the Republican convention, President
Arthur was a candidate, but party sentiment was so strong for Blaine
that he led Arthur on the first ballot and was nominated on the fourth
by a large majority. In the Democratic convention, Cleveland was
nominated on the second ballot. Meanwhile, his opponents had organized a
new party from which more was expected than it actually accomplished.
It assumed the title Anti-Monopoly and chose the notorious demagogue,
General Benjamin F. Butler, as its candidate for President.

During this campaign, the satirical cartoon attained a power and an
effectiveness difficult to realize now that it has become an ordinary
feature of journalism, equally available for any school of opinion. But
it so happened that the rise of Cleveland in politics coincided with the
artistic career of Joseph Keppler, who came to this country from Vienna
and who for some years supported himself chiefly as an actor in
Western theatrical companies. He had studied drawing in Vienna and
had contributed cartoons to periodicals in that