nly one of the fourteen
regular appropriation bills became law before the last day of the fiscal
year. The duress to which the House was subject became tighter and
harder than before, and the Speakership entered upon a development
unparalleled in constitutional history. The Speaker was practically in a
position to determine what business the House might consider and what it
might not, and the circumstances were such as to breed a belief that it
was his duty to use his discretion where a choice presented itself. It
is obvious that, when on the floor of the House there are a number of
applicants for recognition, the Speaker must choose between them. All
cannot be allowed to speak at once. There is no chance to apply the shop
rule, "first come first served," for numerous applications for the floor
come at the same time. Shall the Speaker choose at random or according
to some definite principle of selection? In view of the Speaker's
interest in the welfare of the party which raised him to the office, he
would naturally inquire in advance the purpose for which the recognition
of the chair was desired. It was a manifest step towards orderly
procedure in session, however, when instead of crowding around the
clerk's desk bawling for recognition, members applied to the Speaker in
advance. In Speaker Blaine's time, this had become a regular practice
and ever since then, a throng of members at the Speaker's office trying
to arrange with him for recognition has been a daily occurrence during
a legislative session. Samuel W. McCall, in his work on "The Business of
Congress," says that the Speaker "usually scrutinizes the bill and the
committee's report upon it, and in case of doubt he sometimes refers
them to a member in whom he has confidence, for a more careful
examination than he himself has time to give."

Under Speaker Carlisle, this power to censor proposals was made
conspicuous through the factional war in the Democratic party. For
several sessions of Congress, a bill had been pending to repeal the
internal revenue taxes upon tobacco, and it had such support that it
might have passed if it could have been reached for consideration. On
February 5, 1887, a letter was addressed to Speaker Carlisle by three
prominent Democrats: Samuel J. Randall of Pennsylvania, George D. Wise
of Virginia, and John S. Henderson of North Carolina, saying: "At the
instance of many Democratic members of the House, we appeal to you
earnestly to recog