ture of the rules that they did hamper action and "that
the country which is least governed is the best governed, is a maxim in
strict accord with the idea of true civil liberty." William McKinley was
also of the opinion that barriers were needed "against the wild projects
and visionary schemes which will find advocates in this House." Some
years later, when the subject was again up for discussion, Thomas B.
Reed went to the heart of the situation when he declared that the rules
had been devised not to facilitate action but to obstruct it, for "the
whole system of business here for years has been to seek methods of
shirking, not of meeting, the questions which the people present for
the consideration of their representatives. Peculiar circumstances
have caused this. For a long time, one section of the country largely
dominated the other. That section of the country was constantly
apprehensive of danger which might happen at any time by reason of an
institution it was maintaining. Very naturally, all the rules of the
House were bent for the obstruction of action on the part of Congress."
It may be added that these observations apply even more forcibly, to
the rules of the Senate. The privilege of unrestricted debate was not
originally granted by those rules but was introduced as a means
of strengthening the power of sectional resistance to obnoxious
legislation.

The revision of the rules in 1885, then, was not designed really to
facilitate action by the House, but rather to effect a transfer of the
power to rule the House. It was at least clear that under the proposed
changes the chairman of the committee on appropriations would no longer
retain such complete mastery as Randall had wielded, and this was enough
to insure the adoption of the majority report. The minority report
opposed this weakening of control on the ground that it would be
destructive of orderly and responsible management of the public funds.
Everything which Randall said on that point has since been amply
confirmed by much sad experience. Although some leading Republicans,
among whom was Joseph G. Cannon of Illinois, argued strongly in support
of Randall's views, the temper of the House was such that the majority
in favor of the change was overwhelming, and on December 18, 1885, the
Morrison plan was finally adopted without a roll call.

The hope that the change in organization would expedite action on
appropriation bills, was promptly disappointed. O