tend
that it was to get these particular measures passed that the Democratic
party was raised to power. The main cause of the political revolution of
1884 had been the continuance of war taxes, producing revenues that were
not only not needed but were positively embarrassing to the Government.
Popular feeling over the matter was so strong that even the Republican
party had felt bound to put into its national platform, in 1884, a
pledge "to correct the irregularities of the tariff and to reduce the
surplus." The people, however, believed that the Republican party had
already been given sufficient opportunity, and they now turned to
the Democratic party for relief. The rank and file of this party felt
acutely, therefore, that they were not accomplishing what the people
expected. Members arrived in Washington full of good intentions. They
found themselves subject to a system which allowed them to introduce all
the bills they wanted, but not to obtain action upon them. Action
was the prerogative of a group of old hands who managed the important
committees and who were divided among themselves on tariff policy. And
now, the little bills which, by dint of persuasion and bargaining, they
had first put through the committees, and then through both Houses of
Congress, were cut down by executive veto, turning to their injury what
they had counted upon to help them in their districts.

During the campaign, Democratic candidates had everywhere contended that
they were just as good friends of the old soldiers as the Republicans.
Now, they felt that to make good this position they must do something to
offset the effect of President Cleveland's vetoes. In his messages, he
had favored "the most generous treatment to the disabled, aged and needy
among our veterans"; but he had argued that it should be done by general
laws, and not by special acts for the benefit of particular claimants.
The Pension Committee of the House responded by reporting a bill "for
the relief of dependent parents and honorably discharged soldiers and
sailors who are now disabled and dependent upon their own labor for
support." It passed the House by a vote of 180 to 76, with 63 not
voting, and it passed the Senate without a division. On the 11th of
February, President Cleveland sent in his veto, accompanied by a message
pointing out in the language of the act defects and ambiguities which he
believed would "but put a further premium on dishonesty and mendacity."