ch were supplied by cases arising since 1867, before which time
the right of the President to remove officers at his own discretion was
fully conceded.

The controversy had so far followed the ordinary lines of partisan
contention in Congress, which public opinion was accustomed to regard
with contemptuous indifference as mere sparring for points in the
electioneering game. President Cleveland now intervened in a way which
riveted the attention of the nation upon the issue. Ever since the
memorable struggle which began when the Senate censured President
Jackson and did not end until that censure was expunged, the Senate
had been chary of a direct encounter with the President. Although the
response of the Attorney-General stated that he was acting under the
direction of the President, the pending resolutions avoided any mention
of the President but expressed "condemnation of the refusal of the
Attorney-General under whatever influence, to send to the Senate" the
required papers. The logical implication was that, when the orders
of the President and the Senate conflicted, it was the duty of the
Attorney-General to obey the Senate. This raised an issue which
President Cleveland met by sending to the Senate his message of March
1, 1886, which has taken a high rank among American constitutional
documents. It is strong in its logic, dignified in its tone, terse,
direct, and forceful in its diction.

Cleveland's message opened with the statement that "ever since the
beginning of the present session of the Senate, the different heads of
the departments attached to the executive branch of the government have
been plied with various requests and documents from committees of the
Senate, from members of such committees, and at last from the Senate
itself, requiring the transmission of reasons for the suspension of
certain officials during the recess of that body, or for papers touching
the conduct of such officials." The President then observed that "though
these suspensions are my executive acts, based upon considerations
addressed to me alone and for which I am wholly responsible, I have had
no invitation from the Senate to state the position which I have felt
constrained to assume." Further on, he clinched this admission of full
responsibility by declaring that "the letter of the Attorney-General in
response to the resolution of the Senate... was written at my suggestion
and by my direction."

This statement made clear in the