ellion." Unfortunately Blaine did not hear him distinctly enough
to repudiate this slur upon the religious belief of millions of American
citizens, and alienation of sentiment caused by the tactless and
intolerant remark could easily account for Blaine's defeat by a small
margin. He was only 1149 votes behind Cleveland in New York in a poll of
over 1,125,000 votes, and only 23,005 votes behind in a national poll of
over 9,700,000 votes for the leading candidates. Of course Cleveland
in his turn was a target of calumny, and in his case the end of the
campaign did not bring the customary relief. He was pursued to the end
of his public career by active, ingenious, resourceful, personal spite
and steady malignity of political opposition from interests whose enmity
he had incurred while Governor of New York.

The situation which confronted Cleveland when he became President was
so complicated and embarrassing that perhaps even the most sagacious and
resourceful statesman could not have coped with it successfully, though
it is the characteristic of genius to accomplish the impossible. But
Cleveland was no genius; he was not even a man of marked talent. He was
stanch, plodding, laborious, and dutiful; but he was lacking in ability
to penetrate to the heart of obscure political problems and to deal
with primary causes rather than with effects. The great successes of his
administration were gained in particular problems whose significance had
already been clearly defined. In this field, Cleveland's resolute and
energetic performance of duty had splendid results.

At the time of Cleveland's inauguration as President, the Senate claimed
an extent of authority which, if allowed to go unchallenged, would
have turned the Presidency into an office much like that of the doge
of Venice, one of ceremonial dignity without real power. "The
Federalist"--that matchless collection of constitutional essays written
by Hamilton, Madison, and Jay--laid down the doctrine that "against the
enterprising ambition" of the legislative department "the people ought
to indulge all their jealousy and exhaust all their precautions."
But some of the precautions taken in framing the Constitution proved
ineffectual from the start. The right conferred upon the President to
recommend to the consideration of Congress "such measures as he shall
judge necessary and expedient," was emptied of practical importance by
the success of Congress in interpreting it as mean