on the revolution, which gave
us a separate rank among the nations. We even declared, that we would not
be represented in the national legislature, because one assembly was not
adequate to the purposes of internal legislation and taxation.

AGRIPPA.

[_Remainder next Tuesday._]

Agrippa, XIII.

The Massachusetts Gazette, (Number 400)

TUESDAY, JANUARY 14, 1788.

(_Concluded from our last._)

TO THE MASSACHUSETTS CONVENTION.

_Gentlemen_,

The question then arises, what is the kind of government best adapted to
the object of securing our persons and possessions from violence? I
answer, a _Federal Republick_. By this kind of government each state
reserves to itself the right of making and altering its laws for internal
regulation, and the right of executing those laws without any external
restraint, while the general concerns of the empire are committed to an
assembly of delegates, each accountable to his own constituents. This is
the happy form under which we live, and which seems to mark us out as a
people chosen of God. No instance can be produced of any other kind of
government so stable and energetick as the republican. The objection drawn
from the Greek and Roman states does not apply to the question.
Republicanism appears there in its most disadvantageous form. Arts and
domestic employments were generally committed to slaves, while war was
almost the only business worthy of a citizen. Hence arose their internal
dissensions. Still they exhibited proofs of legislative wisdom and
judicial integrity hardly to be found among their monarchick neighbors. On
the other hand we find Carthage cultivating commerce, and extending her
dominions for the long space of seven centuries, during which term the
internal tranquillity was never disturbed by her citizens. Her national
power was so respectable, that for a long time it was doubtful whether
Carthage or Rome should rule. In the form of their government they bore a
strong resemblance to each other. Rome might be reckoned a free state for
about four hundred and fifty years. We have then the true line of
distinction between those two nations, and a strong proof of the hardy
materials which compose a republican government. If there was no other
proof, we might with impartial judges risk the issue upon this alone. But
our proof rests not here. The present state of Europe, and the vigour and
tranquillity of our own governments, after experiencing this form for a