s liberty. Can an
[sic] man, in the free exercise of his reason, suppose, that he is
perfectly represented in the legislature, when that legislature may at
pleasure alter the time, manner and place of election? By altering the
time they may continue a representive during his whole life; by altering
the manner, they may fill up the vacancies by their own votes without the
consent of the people; and by altering the place, all the elections may be
made at the seat of the federal government. Of all the powers of
government perhaps this is the most improper to be surrendered. Such an
article at once destroys the whole check which the constituents have upon
their rulers. I should be less zealous upon this subject, if the power had
not been often abused. The senate of Venice, the regencies of Holland, and
the British Parliament have all abused it. The last have not yet
perpetuated themselves; but they have availed themselves repeatedly of
popular commotions to continue in power. Even at this day we find attempts
to vindicate the usurpation by which they continued themselves from three
to seven years. All the attempts, and many have been made, to return to
triennial elections, have proved abortive. These instances are abundantly
sufficient to shew with what jealousy this right ought to be guarded. No
sovereign on earth need be afraid to declare his crown elective, while the
possessor has the right to regulate the time, manner, and place of
election.
It is vain to tell us, that the proposed government guarantees to each
state a republican form. Republicks are divided into democraticks, and
aristocraticks. The establishment of an order of nobles, in whom should
reside all the power of the state, would be an aristocratick republick.
Such has been for five centuries the government of Venice, in which all
the energies of government, as well as of individuals, have been cramped
by a distressing jealousy that the rulers have of each other. There is
nothing of that generous, manly confidence that we see in the democratick
republicks of our own country. It is a government of force, attended with
perpetual fear of that force. In Great Britain, since the lengthening of
parliaments, all our accounts agree, that their elections are a continued
scene of bribery, riot and tumult; often a scene of murder. These are the
consequences of choosing seldom, and or extensive districts. When the term
is short nobody will give an high price for a seat.
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