old
as International Law, because any kind of International Law and some
kind of a League of Nations are interdependent and correlative.
III. During antiquity no International Law in the modern sense of
the term was possible, because the common interests which could
force a number of independent States into a community of States were
lacking.
IV. But during the second part of the Middle Ages matters began to
change. During the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries
an International Law, and with it a kind of League of Nations,
became a necessity and therefore grew by custom. At the same time
arose the first schemes for a League of Nations guaranteeing
permanent peace, namely those of Pierre Dubois (1305), Antoine
Marini (1461), Sully (1603), and Emeric Crucee (1623). Hugo Grotius'
immortal work on 'The Law of War and Peace' (1625).
V. The League of Nations thus evolved by custom could not undertake
to prevent wars; the conditions prevailing up to the outbreak of the
French Revolution made it impossible; it was only during the
nineteenth century that the principle of nationality made growth.
VI. The outbreak of the present World War is epoch-making because it
is at bottom a fight between the principle of democratic and
constitutional government and the principle of militarism and
autocratic government. The three new points in the present demand
for a League of Nations.
VII. How and why the peremptory demand for a new League of Nations
arose, and its connection with so-called Internationalism.
VIII. The League of Nations now aimed at is not really a League of
Nations but of States. The ideal of the National State.
IX. The two reasons why the establishment of a new League of Nations
is conditioned by the utter defeat of the Central Powers.
X. Why--in a sense--the new League of Nations may be said to have
already started its career.
XI. The impossibility of the demand that the new League of Nations
should create a Federal World State.
XII. The demand for an International Army and Navy.
XIII. The new League of Nations cannot give itself a constitution of
a state-like character, but only one _sui generis_ on very simple
lines.
XIV. The three aims of the new League of Nations, and the four
problems to be faced and solved in order to make p
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