ngdom, should have "Colonial" Home Rule
without representation in the Imperial Parliament. Leaving finance
temporarily aside, while observing that any substantial Imperial control
over Irish finance would defeat the "colonial" solution of the problem,
I endeavoured to show that there were no tenable grounds of a
non-financial character for retaining Irish Members at Westminster, nor
any dangers to be feared from excluding them. I have now reviewed the
history of Anglo-Irish finance up to the present day, and I hope in so
doing to have proved that, so far from presenting an obstacle to
"Colonial" Home Rule, the financial conditions demand such a solution.
Finance and policy are inseparably one. All the considerations which
render Home Rule desirable lead irresistibly to the financial
independence of Ireland, with complete control assigned to her over all
branches of taxation. Without financial independence it is impossible to
realize the objects of Home Rule. It would be a miracle were the case
otherwise. Ireland would, indeed, be abnormal if, after her history, she
could reach prosperity and stability without passing through a phase of
financial independence. No parallel, even in the most distant degree,
could be found for any such metamorphosis in the whole of the British
Empire.

If we study Ireland's interest, we shall promote Imperial interests. The
main object of Home Rule is to make Ireland self-reliant. Lord Welby and
his colleagues were right in 1896 when they declared that ideal to be
impracticable without giving Ireland entire responsibility both for her
revenue and her expenditure. This declaration is as true as ever. The
situation has changed only in one respect: that financial independence
will now mean a financial sacrifice to Ireland, whereas in 1896 it would
have meant a financial gain to Ireland--that is, if Lord Welby's
recommendation in favour of remitting the Irish contribution to Imperial
services had been carried out. At that time Ireland contributed two
millions. Now Great Britain contributes over a million to Ireland.
Sooner or later that subsidy must stop, and the sooner it stops the
better.

But it is of vital importance that Ireland should understand the
situation. The present position is dangerous, because the Irish people
at large are ignorant of the facts, and their leaders are taking no
steps to enlighten them. The reasons are intelligible, but they are not
sound reasons. Paced with the