the new
Ireland with an old Debt, based on some arbitrary estimate. For the
great bulk of Debt created in the past she has little moral
responsibility--no more, at any rate, than the self-governing Colonies.
In this respect she must begin, like them, with a clean sheet.

V.

IRELAND'S SHARE OF IMPERIAL MISCELLANEOUS REVENUE.

On the other hand, Ireland, in consideration of the remissions
mentioned, must renounce the share to which she is technically entitled
of the Imperial Miscellaneous Revenue, derived mainly from Suez Canal
shares and the Mint, and amounting altogether in 1910-11 to
L2,769,500.[138]

VI.

IRISH CONTROL OF CUSTOMS AND EXCISE.

Let us now come to close quarters with this important issue. The grand
argument on the affirmative side is that the products of these duties
represent nearly four-fifths of the tax revenue collected in Ireland.
What are the objections?

We need scarcely consider the general objection, sometimes made
ostensibly in the interests of Ireland, that her public men have little
financial experience. The fact is true, and it is not their fault. But
the financial scheme cannot reasonably be based on a recognition of a
temporary lack of experience.

I place Customs and Excise together because I believe there is no
serious question of making a distinction between the two, and of
allowing Ireland to levy and collect her own Excise duties, while
denying her authority over Customs. It is true that until 1860 such a
distinction was made, and a lower Excise duty levied upon Irish than
upon British spirits;[139] but the tendency in all modern States is to
make the authority over Customs the same as that over Excise, and any
departure from that principle, in the case of modern Ireland, is likely
to cause considerable inconvenience. License Duties, which are included
under the head of Excise, may, no doubt, without much inconvenience, be
differentiated from the rest, but their Irish proceeds (L284,000) are
too small to influence the question.

Excise, then, follows Customs. What are the objections to giving
Ireland, like the Isle of Man and the Channel Islands, control over her
own Customs? Without doubt, the establishment of a new Customs barrier
between Ireland and Great Britain is in itself a drawback. The
Custom-house machinery exists, of course, at present, because Ireland is
an island; nor would the additional function of checking British as well
as foreign imports into I