ad kept Ireland poor, Irish leaders, in spite of that
poverty, had asked for a financial independence which Mr. Gladstone in
neither of his Bills felt disposed to give her. Mr. Chamberlain had his
way; the Union was maintained, and as a result Ireland's actual
contribution of two millions at that date has been replaced by a subsidy
from Great Britain. Are we to be told now by Unionists that the Union
must be maintained in order to maintain this subsidy? or by Home Rulers
that the Irish deficit is an argument for the perpetuation of the
financial dependence which caused it, and an insuperable bar to the
financial independence which alone can extinguish it?

No; let us look the facts in the face. Here is a deficit officially
given as L1,312,000. It is probably less, owing to an underestimate of
Irish revenue. But it may grow to be more, even with allowance for an
automatic growth of revenue, owing to the increased votes of the present
year, and the expenses peculiar to the establishment of the new Irish
Legislature and Government. What her really healthy and normal revenue
should be only Ireland herself can discover in the future. What her
right expenditure should be she alone can determine. We can only work
upon the data we have before us. Economy cannot be instantaneous, either
in Ireland or anywhere else. Assume, then, an initial deficit in the
Irish balance-sheet on the basis of present taxation. Its exact size
cannot affect the manner of dealing with it. How are we to deal with it?

Let us dismiss at once the theory of "restitution" with the earnest hope
that we shall hear nothing of it in the coming controversy. No Irishman
will argue that a subsidy to the extent of, or exceeding the deficit, is
a good thing in itself, and should be large and lasting because it will
represent compensation for money unfairly exacted in the past. It is,
indeed, true that the Union impoverished Ireland, but the most grievous
wrong was moral, and for that wrong alone is reparation possible. Home
Rule is not worth fighting for if it has not as its end and aim a
self-reliant and self-supporting Ireland. Nor does it improve the
argument in the least to represent the subsidy as productive expenditure
for the purpose of raising Ireland's taxable capacity and improving her
economic position. No money raised outside of Ireland will have that
effect. Once admit the principle of restitution, and where are you to
stop? What rational or scientific