allibly continue to accentuate
the deficit and increase the resulting burden on the taxpayers of Great
Britain. The plan proposed would eventually remove that burden. But,
obviously, its success hinges on the concession of full financial powers
to an Ireland unrepresented at Westminster. In their own interests, if
not for very shame, Englishmen should decline to make use of the old
adage, that "he who pays the piper should call the tune." For more than
a century Ireland paid the piper and England called the tune--and what a
tune, and with what results! Representation has nothing to do with the
case. Precedents are needless, but there are, as a fact, many. Crown
Colonies have frequently received free grants for the relief of
distress--Jamaica and other West Indian islands, for example. The
Transvaal and Orange River Colony received several millions after the
war to enable the ruined farmers to start business on a footing of
solvency. During the whole period of their adolescence, and, indeed,
until quite a recent date, all the self-governing Colonies were
virtually subsidized by the allocation of British forces for local
defence, maintained at the Imperial charge. And Ireland paid her share
of this charge. Similar garrisons were, are, and will be, maintained in
Ireland. Yes, but Ireland contributed to their cost, and in course of
time will, it is to be hoped, resume her contributions with a gladder
heart and a freer conscience than ever before.

Canada was economically stagnant under coercion. If, in her case, we had
carried coercion as far as we carried it in Ireland, it would have been
necessary to give her a temporary subsidy in order to enable her to
assume the position of a self-governing Colony. Ireland's proximity does
not alter economic laws. "Facts are stubborn things," and these are the
Irish facts. Duty apart, no more profitable investment could possibly be
made by the British tax-payer than a subsidy designed to enable Ireland
to stand on her legs again. The present tribute to her is a dead loss.

The subsidy, if given, ought, I submit, on no account to be earmarked,
on the bad precedent set by the Bills of 1886 and 1893,[137] for any
particular head of expenditure in Ireland, as for Police, Pensions, Land
Commission, or Education. As I have shown previously, nothing is easier
than to pick out items of excessive expenditure, or of
under-expenditure, for which Ireland is not herself responsible. But to
allocat