seeks to apply it, it is this: If, in a new Territory
into which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose of making
their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their limits or to
establish it there, however one or the other may affect the persons to be
enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons who are afterwards
to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of the families of
communities, of which they are but an incipient member, or the general
head of the family of States as parent of all, however their action may
affect one or the other of these, there is no power or right to interfere.
That is Douglas's popular sovereignty applied.

He has a good deal of trouble with popular sovereignty. His explanations
explanatory of explanations explained are interminable. The most lengthy,
and, as I suppose, the most maturely considered of this long series of
explanations is his great essay in Harper's Magazine. I will not attempt
to enter on any very thorough investigation of his argument as there made
and presented. I will nevertheless occupy a good portion of your time here
in drawing your attention to certain points in it. Such of you as may
have read this document will have perceived that the judge early in the
document quotes from two persons as belonging to the Republican party,
without naming them, but who can readily be recognized as being Governor
Seward of New York and myself. It is true that exactly fifteen months ago
this day, I believe, I for the first time expressed a sentiment upon this
subject, and in such a manner that it should get into print, that the
public might see it beyond the circle of my hearers; and my expression of
it at that time is the quotation that Judge Douglas makes. He has not made
the quotation with accuracy, but justice to him requires me to say that it
is sufficiently accurate not to change the sense.

The sense of that quotation condensed is this: that this slavery element
is a durable element of discord among us, and that we shall probably not
have perfect peace in this country with it until it either masters the
free principle in our government, or is so far mastered by the free
principle as for the public mind to rest in the belief that it is going to
its end. This sentiment, which I now express in this way, was, at no great
distance of time, perhaps in different language, and in connection with
some collateral ideas, expressed by Governor Seward. Ju