ederation, and
it possesses all the machinery necessary for an independent existence.
To this end, it is self-governing, having its own constitution which
grants it vast powers. Local unions and other subordinate
organizations are created by it. By means of charters and
constitutional provisions it actually determines membership and
membership conditions and privileges, the functions of locals, their
officers and duties, the discipline of the members, and the general
conduct of the affairs of the local. Thus, while theoretically the
local union is the economic unit of unionism, practically the national
or international is the unit, for it and not the local is of primal
importance in the American Federation of Labor.

On the other hand, the powers of the American Federation of Labor,
though very broad and potent, do not seem to have scope and force
enough to permit this body to interfere with much effect in the local
affairs of the national or international unions, because of the large
degree of sovereignty possessed by these organizations. These bodies,
therefore, are at liberty to do things which often are detrimental to
the best interests of trades unionism. Here, then, it is seen that the
great obstructions to Negro membership in the unions are not the
locals but rather the national or international unions, because the
locals are entirely responsible to the latter bodies, which are in
turn accountable to the Federation. The American Federation of Labor
is, therefore, confronted with the difficult task of compelling its
nationals or internationals which discriminate against Negroes to
change their constitutions and grant Negro laborers full membership in
their unions. Can it or will it exert sufficient pressure on these
organizations to bring this to pass? Its most potent coercive measure
is the revoking of a union's charter, and the question is will it have
the courage to employ this weapon to secure economic justice for the
Negro, or will it hesitate to do so? By its action at its last annual
meeting, when it preferred to request the Brotherhood of Railway
Clerks to eliminate racial discrimination from its constitution and
give the Negroes membership in its unions, rather than demand it to do
so or forfeit its charter, the American Federation of Labor indicated
that either it was doubtful of the extent of its authority over its
affiliated international unions or that it is as yet unwilling to deal
sternly with them