n justice to those who had to give way to the Lenine-Trotzky
crowd of supporters, I wish to state emphatically that I do not want to
put them on the same plane. Tseretelli, Plekhanov, Tshcheidze, and
their co-workers are men of great courage, high ideals, and personal
integrity. On the other hand their successors in power are men of a
totally different type. The integrity of many of their number has been
openly questioned, the accusations, published & broadcast, remained
unanswered, and no suit for libel was brought by the men thus accused.
Lenine was put under suspicion of having accepted German help and of
having planned with Germany's agents the disorganization of the Russian
army. It has been even charged on apparently good evidence that the
leaflets distributed at the front were printed with German money.
Trotzky was accused by Miliukov in the _Rech_ (June 7) of having
received $10,000 from German-Americans for the purpose of organizing the
attack on Kerensky's government. Ganetsky was forced to leave Denmark
by an order of the Danish government, having been convicted of dishonest
dealings in a Danish court. Zinoviev is accused of forgery. Others are
also under suspicion which has been only increased by the arrest and
imprisonment of Burtzev who is known for his untiring efforts to
hunt down traitors to the cause of the Russian Revolution and who had
important evidence in his possession. It is also a remarkable fact that
the majority of the present leaders are known broadly only under
assumed names. Lenine's true name is Uljanov, Trotzky's--Bronstein,
Zinoviev's--Apfelbaum, Sukhanov's--Gimmer, Kamenev's--Rosenfeld,
Steklov's--Nakhamkis, and a number of others whose identity is not
even always known. Trotzky's assertion that the Workmen's and Soldiers'
Government is a government of workingmen, soldiers, and peasants is
therefore nothing but a perversion of facts.

There is, however, nothing extraordinary in the fact itself that
intellectuals are the real leaders of all Russian parties. Better
education and wider knowledge of the affairs of the world have always
appealed to the dark masses who realize only dimly their own desires and
grasp at any concrete formulation of reforms which contains a tangible
promise or seems to express those desires. At the same time they often
put their own meaning into the words of their leaders, which is true
even of factory workers in the larger cities. As for the peasants,
representi