ry different
picture. The subject and even the name are new to most people, the
scale is much smaller; the events have been less dramatic. But the
unconquerable resistance which a small disjointed nationality has
offered throughout the ages to ill fortune, oppression, and to attempts
to obliterate it entirely arouses our admiration. The movement too was
intimately connected with the outbreak of the present world war which
cannot be understood without taking it into account. It still represents
only an ardent hope for the future but when the day of peace and justice
comes no permanent allotment can be made of the lands east of the
Adriatic that shall not give it at least some satisfaction.

ARCHIBALD CARY COOLIDGE.

MARCH 18, 1918. THE ROLE OF THE INTELLECTUALS IN THE LIBERATING MOVEMENT
IN RUSSIA

By Alexander Petrunkevitch

In an interview dated November 21, and published in the _New York
Times_ in a special cable from Petrograd, Leon Trotzky in defending the
attitude of the people toward the Bolsheviki _coup d'etat_ is reported
to have said substantially the following: "All the bourgeoisie is
against us. The greater part of the intellectuals is against us or
hesitating, awaiting a final outcome. The working class is wholly with
us. The army is with us. The peasants, with the exception of exploiters,
are with us. The Workmen's and Soldiers' government is a government
of workingmen, soldiers, and peasants against the capitalists and
landowners."

On the other hand my father, Ivan Petrunkevitch, floorleader of the
Constitutional Democratic party in the first Duma and since that time
owner and publisher of the Petrograd daily _Rech_ writes in a private
letter dated June 12: "... the present real government, i. e., the
Council of Soldiers' and Workmen's Deputies, whose leaders are neither
soldiers nor workmen, but intellectuals, etc." Nothing has happened
during the months intervening between the letter and the interview
to change the composition of the Council appreciably. It is true that
Kerensky who was vice-president of the Council has been meanwhile
deposed; that Tshcheidze had to relinquish the presidency in the Council
to Trotzky long before Kerensky's downfall; but the leaders of the
Council still are intellectuals, are well educated men, some of them
well known writers on political and economic questions and withal very
different from the masses which they lead and which they purport to
represent. I