keen pages to it in his book upon political economy. Fawcett, without
much of Mill's intellectual power or any of his sensitive temperament, was
supposed to represent his principles in parliament; yet in education he
was against free schools, while Mill was for them. All was unsettled;
important things were even unperceived. Yet the questions of national
education, answer them as we will, touch the moral life and death of
nations. The honourable zeal of the churches had done something, but most
of the ground remained to be covered. The question was whether the system
about to be created should merely supplement those sectarian, private,
voluntary schools, or should erect a fabric worthy of the high name of
national. The churchman hoped, but did not expect, the first. The
nonconformist (broadly speaking), the academic liberal, and the hard-grit
radical, were keen for the second, and they were all three well
represented in the House of Commons.

(M94) What the government proposed was that local boards should be called
into existence to provide schools where provision was inadequate and
inefficient, these schools to be supported by the pence of the children,
the earned grant from parliament, and a new rate to be levied upon the
locality. The rate was the critical element. If the boards chose, they
could make bye-laws compelling parents to send their children to school;
and they could (with a conscience clause) settle what form of religious
instruction they pleased. The voluntary men were to have a year of grace
in which to make good any deficiency in supply of schools, and so keep out
the boards. The second reading was secured without a division, but only on
assurances from Mr. Gladstone that amendments would be made in committee.
On June 16, the prime minister, as he says, "explained the plans of the
government to an eager and agitated house."

Two days before, the cabinet had embarked upon a course that made the
agitation still more eager. Mr. Gladstone wrote the pregnant entry: "_June
14._ Cabinet; decided on making more general use of machinery supplied by
voluntary schools, avoidance of religious controversy in local boards."
This meant that the new system was in no way to supersede the old
non-system, but to supplement it. The decision was fatal to a national
settlement. As Mr. Forster put it, their object was "to complete the
voluntary system and to fill up gaps." Lord Ripon used the same language
in the Lords. Inst