ardwell, Mr. Childers, Mr.
Goschen, and Lord de Grey were willing to do the same, and finally only
Clarendon and the foreign office were left obdurate. It was true to say of
this change that it placed the whole educated intellect of the country at
the service and disposal of the state, that it stimulated the acquisition
of knowledge, and that it rescued some of the most important duties in the
life of the nation from the narrow class to whom they had hitherto been
confided.

Chapter IV. The Franco-German War. (1870)

Of all the princes of Europe, the king of England alone seemed to
be seated upon the pleasant promontory that might safely view the
tragic sufferings of all his neighbours about him, without any
other concernment than what arose from his own princely heart and
Christian compassion, to see such desolation wrought by the pride
and passion and ambition of private persons, supported by princes
who knew not what themselves would have.--CLARENDON.

I

During the years in which England had been widening the base of her
institutions, extending her resources of wealth and credit, and
strengthening her repute in the councils of Christendom, a long train of
events at which we have glanced from time to time, had slowly effected a
new distribution of the force of nations, and in Mr. Gladstone's phrase
had unset every joint of the compacted fabric of continental Europe. The
spirit in which he thought of his country's place in these transactions is
to be gathered from a letter addressed by him to General Grey, the
secretary of the Queen, rather more than a year before the outbreak of the
Franco-German war. What was the immediate occasion I cannot be sure, nor
does it matter. The letter itself is full of interest, for it is in truth
a sort of charter of the leading principles of Mr. Gladstone's foreign
policy at the moment when he first incurred supreme responsibility for our
foreign affairs:--

_Mr. Gladstone to General Grey._

_April 17, 1869._--... Apart from this question of the moment,
there is one more important as to the tone in which it is to be
desired that, where matter of controversy has arisen on the
continent of Europe, the diplomatic correspondence of this country
should be carried on. This more important question may be the
subject of differences in the country, but I observe with joy that
her Majesty approves the general prin