ciple which Lord Clarendon
sets forth in his letter of the 16th. I do not believe that
England ever will or can be unfaithful to her great tradition, or
can forswear her interest in the common transactions and the
general interests of Europe. But her credit and her power form a
fund, which in order that they may be made the most of, should be
thriftily used.

The effect of the great revolutionary war was to place England in
a position to rely upon the aid of her own resources. This was no
matter of blame to either party; it was the result of a desperate
struggle of over twenty years, in which every one else was down in
his turn, but England was ever on her feet; in which it was found
that there was no ascertained limit either to her means, or to her
disposition to dispense them; in which, to use the language of Mr.
Canning, her flag was always flying "a signal of rallying to the
combatant, and of shelter to the fallen." The habit of appeal and
of reliance thus engendered by peculiar circumstances, requires to
be altered by a quiet and substantial though not a violent
process. For though Europe never saw England faint away, _we_ know
at what a cost of internal danger to all the institutions of the
country, she fought her way to the perilous eminence on which she
undoubtedly stood in 1815.

If there be a fear abroad that England has forever abjured a
resort to force other than moral force, is that fear justified by
facts? In 1853, joining with France, we made ourselves the
vindicators of the peace of Europe; and ten years later, be it
remembered, in the case of Denmark we offered to perform the same
office, but we could get no one to join us. Is it desirable that
we should go further? Is England so uplifted in strength above
every other nation, that she can with prudence advertise herself
as ready to undertake the general redress of wrongs? Would not the
consequence of such professions and promises be either the
premature exhaustion of her means, or a collapse in the day of
performance? Is _any_ Power at this time of day warranted in
assuming this comprehensive obligation? Of course, the answer is,
No. But do not, on the other hand, allow it to be believed that
England will never interfere. For the eccentricities of other
men's belief no one can answer; but for any reasonabl