and
took time to consider it, in the expectation that it was pretty sure to
find its way into print by some other means, as indeed soon happened. "For
the sake of peace," Bismarck explained to Lord Granville (July 28, 1870),
"I kept the secret, and treated the propositions in a dilatory manner."
When the British ambassador on one occasion had tried to sound him on the
suspected designs of France, Bismarck answered, "It is no business of mine
to tell French secrets."
(M109) There were members of the cabinet who doubted the expediency of
England taking any action. The real position of affairs, they argued, was
not altered: the draft treaty only disclosed what everybody believed
before, namely that France sought compensation for Prussian
aggrandisement, as she had secured it for Italian aggrandisement by taking
Savoy and Nice. That Prussia would not object, provided the compensations
were not at the expense of people who spoke German, had all come out at
the time of the Luxemburg affair. If France and Prussia agreed, how could
we help Belgium, unless indeed Europe joined? But then what chance was
there of Russia and Austria joining against France and Prussia for the
sake of Belgium, in which neither of them had any direct interest? At the
same time ministers knew that the public in England expected them to do
something, though a vote for men and money would probably suffice. The
cabinet, however, advanced a step beyond a parliamentary vote. On July 30
they met and took a decision to which Mr. Gladstone then and always after
attached high importance. England proposed a treaty to Prussia and France,
providing that if the armies of either violated the neutrality of Belgium,
Great Britain would co-operate with the other for its defence, but without
engaging to take part in the general operations of the war. The treaty was
to hold good for twelve months after the conclusion of the war. Bismarck
at once came into the engagement. France loitered a little, but after the
battle of Woerth made no more difficulty, and the instrument was signed on
August 9.
-------------------------------------
The mind of the government was described by Mr. Gladstone in a letter to
Bright (August 1):--
Although some members of the cabinet were inclined on the outbreak
of this most miserable war to make military preparations, others,
Lord Granville and I among them, by no means shared that
disposition, nor
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