er in London, renewed his bombardment of the foreign office
with proof of their object and design; the foreign office repeated its
perplexed pleas against interference, made still more difficult by a
colourable transfer of the rams to a French owner; and the whole dreary
tragi-comedy of the _Alabama_ seemed likely to be acted over again. By the
autumn of 1863 the rams were ready to take the water, and the builders
were again talking of a trial trip. This time Lord Russell gave orders
that the rams were to be stopped (Sept. 3). He felt the mortification of
an honourable man at the trick, of which he had allowed himself to be made
the dupe in the case of the _Alabama_. Perhaps also he had been impressed
by language used by Mr. Adams to a member of the cabinet, and more
formally to himself, to the effect that the departure of the rams would
mean the practical opening to the Southern Confederates of full liberty to
use this country as a base for hostile expeditions against the North.
"This," said Mr. Adams, "is war."(256)
The affair of the rams was followed by Mr. Gladstone with absorbed
attention. He confessed to the Duke of Argyll (Sept. 30, 1863) that he
could not get the ironclads out of his head, and his letter shows with
what exhaustive closeness he argued the case. The predicament was exactly
fitted to draw out some of his most characteristic qualities--minute
precision, infinite acuteness, infinite caution, the faculty of multiplied
distinction upon distinction, an eye for the shadows of a shade. The
points are no longer of living interest, but they exhibit a side of him
that is less visible in his broader performances of parliament or
platform.
As might have been expected, Mr. Adams was instructed to solicit redress
for the doings of the _Alabama_. Lord Russell (Dec. 19, 1862), declaring
that government had used every effort to stop her, refused to admit that
we were under any obligation whatever to make compensation. Two years
later (Aug. 30, 1865) he still declined both compensation and a proposal
for arbitration. This opened a long struggle of extreme interest in the
ministerial life of Mr. Gladstone, and, what was more, in the history of
civilised nations. It was arbitration upon these issues that now began to
divide politicians both inside the cabinet and outside, just as mediation
and recognition had divided them in the earlier stages of the American
conflict.
(M130) In 1863 Mr. Adams was the first to po
|