eople) with an idea that the government was ever to be
really French, or indeed anything else than the nominal government of a
monarch, a monarch absolute as over them, but whose sole support was to
arise from foreign potentates, and who was to be kept on his throne by
German forces,--in short, that the king of France was to be a viceroy to
the Emperor and the king of Prussia.

It was the first time that foreign powers, interfering in the concerns
of a nation divided into parties, have thought proper to thrust wholly
out of their councils, to postpone, to discountenance, to reject, and,
in a manner, to disgrace, the party whom those powers came to support.
The single person of a king cannot be a party. Woe to the king who is
himself his party! The royal party, with the king or his representatives
at its head, is the _royal cause_. Foreign powers have hitherto chosen
to give to such wars as this the appearance of a civil contest, and not
that of an hostile invasion. When the Spaniards, in the sixteenth
century, sent aids to the chiefs of the League, they appeared as allies
to that league, and to the imprisoned king (the Cardinal de Bourbon)
which that league had set up. When the Germans came to the aid of the
Protestant princes, in the same series of civil wars, they came as
allies. When the English came to the aid of Henry the Fourth, they
appeared as allies to that prince. So did the French always, when they
intermeddled in the affairs of Germany: they came to aid a party there.
When the English and Dutch intermeddled in the succession of Spain, they
appeared as allies to the Emperor, Charles the Sixth. In short, the
policy has been as uniform as its principles were obvious to an ordinary
eye.

According to all the old principles of law and policy, a regency ought
to have been appointed by the French princes of the blood, nobles, and
parliaments, and then recognized by the combined powers. Fundamental law
and ancient usage, as well as the clear reason of the thing, have always
ordained it during an imprisonment of the king of France: as in the case
of John, and of Francis the First. A monarchy ought not to be left a
moment without a representative having an interest in the succession.
The orders of the state ought also to have been recognized in those
amongst whom alone they existed in freedom, that is, in the emigrants.

Thus, laying down a firm foundation on the recognition of the
authorities of the kingdom of Fran