it is directed, which is to be held together with an
unremitted vigilance, as watchful in peace as in war, is so evidently
impossible, is such a chimera, is so contrary to human nature and the
course of human affairs, that I am persuaded no person in his senses,
except those whose country, religion, and sovereign are deposited in the
French funds, could dream of it. There is not the slightest petty
boundary suit, no difference between a family arrangement, no sort of
misunderstanding or cross purpose between the pride and etiquette of
courts, that would not entirely disjoint this sort of alliance, and
render it as futile in its effects as it is feeble in its principle. But
when we consider that the main drift of that defensive alliance must be
to prevent the operation of intrigue, mischievous doctrine, and evil
example, in the success of unprovoked rebellion, regicide, and
systematic assassination and massacre, the absurdity of such a scheme
becomes quite lamentable. Open the communication with France, and the
rest follows of course.

How far the interior circumstances of this country support what is said
with regard to its foreign polities must be left to bettor judgments. I
am sure the French faction here is infinitely strengthened by the
success of the assassins on the other side of the water. This evil in
the heart of Europe must be extirpated from that centre, or no part of
the circumference can be free from the mischief which radiates from it,
and which will spread, circle beyond circle, in spite of all the little
defensive precautions which can be employed against it.

I do not put my name to these hints submitted to the consideration of
reflecting men. It is of too little importance to suppose the name of
the writer could add any weight to the state of things contained in this
paper. That state of things presses irresistibly on my judgment, and it
lies, and has long lain, with a heavy weight upon my mind. I cannot
think that what is done in France is beneficial to the human race. If it
were, the English Constitution ought no more to stand against it than
the ancient Constitution of the kingdom in which the new system
prevails. I thought it the duty of a man not unconcerned for the public,
and who is a faithful subject to the king, respectfully to submit this
state of facts, at this new step in the progress of the French arms and
politics, to his Majesty, to his confidential servants, and to those
persons who, t