If that were once attempted, we should soon see that the
task was neither infinite nor the execution cruel. There would be
deaths, but, for the number of criminals and the extent of France, not
many. There would be cases of transportation, cases of labor to restore
what has been wickedly destroyed, cases of imprisonment, and cases of
mere exile. But be this as it may, I am sure, that, if justice is not
done there, there can be neither peace nor justice there, nor in any
part of Europe.

History is resorted to for other acts of indemnity in other times. The
princes are desired to look back to Henry the Fourth. We are desired to
look to the restoration of King Charles. These things, in my opinion,
have no resemblance whatsoever. They were cases of a civil war,--in
France more ferocious, in England more moderate than common. In neither
country were the orders of society subverted, religion and morality
destroyed on principle, or property totally annihilated. In England, the
government of Cromwell was, to be sure, somewhat rigid, but, for a new
power, no savage tyranny. The country was nearly as well in his hands as
in those of Charles the Second, and in some points much better. The laws
in general had their course, and were admirably administered. The king
did not in reality grant an act of indemnity; the prevailing power, then
in a manner the nation, in effect granted an indemnity to _him_. The
idea of a preceding rebellion was not at all admitted in that
convention and that Parliament. The regicides were a common enemy, and
as such given up.

Among the ornaments of their place which eminently distinguish them, few
people are better acquainted with the history of their own country than
the illustrious princes now in exile; but I caution them not to be led
into error by that which has been supposed to be the guide of life. I
would give the same caution to all princes. Not that I derogate from the
use of history. It is a great improver of the understanding, by showing
both men and affairs in a great variety of views. From this source much
political wisdom may be learned,--that is, may be learned as habit, not
as precept,--and as an exercise to strengthen the mind, as furnishing
materials to enlarge and enrich it, not as a repertory of cases and
precedents for a lawyer: if it were, a thousand times better would it be
that a statesman had never learned to read,--_vellem nescirent literas_.
This method turns their understand