I decide, for myself, that these
persons are not the legal corporation of France, and that it is not with
them we can (if we would) settle the government of France.

Since, then, we have decided for monarchy in that kingdom, we ought also
to settle who is to be the monarch, who is to be the guardian of a
minor, and how the monarch and monarchy is to be modified and supported;
if the monarch is to be elected, who the electors are to be,--if
hereditary, what order is established, corresponding with an hereditary
monarchy, and fitted to maintain it; who are to modify it in its
exercise; who are to restrain its powers, where they ought to be
limited, to strengthen them, where they are to be supported, or, to
enlarge them, where the object, the time, and the circumstances may
demand their extension. These are things which, in the outline, ought to
be made distinct and clear; for if they are not, (especially with regard
to those great points, who are the proprietors of the soil, and what is
the corporation of the kingdom,) there is nothing to hinder the complete
establishment of a Jacobin republic, (such as that formed in 1790 and
1791,) under the name of a _Democratie Royale_. Jacobinism does not
consist in the having or not having a certain pageant under the name of
a king, but "in taking the people as equal individuals, without any
corporate name or description, without attention to property, without
division of powers, and forming the government of delegates from a
number of men so constituted,--in destroying or confiscating property,
and bribing the public creditors, or the poor, with the spoils, now of
one part of the community, now of another, without regard to
prescription or possession."

I hope no one can be so very blind as to imagine that monarchy can be
acknowledged and supported in France upon any other basis than that of
its property, _corporate and individual_,--or that it can enjoy a
moment's permanence or security upon any scheme of things which sets
aside all the ancient corporate capacities and distinctions of the
kingdom, and subverts the whole fabric of its ancient laws and usages,
political, civil, and religious, to introduce a system founded on the
supposed _rights of man, and the absolute equality of the human race_.
Unless, therefore, we declare clearly and distinctly in favor of the
_restoration_ of property, and confide to the hereditary property of the
kingdom the limitation and qualifications o