e revocation of the Edict of Nantes. I am conscious that this
discipline disposes men to republicanism: but it is still a discipline,
and it is a cure (such as it is) for the perverse and undisciplined
habits which for some time have prevailed. Republicanism repressed may
have its use in the composition of a state. Inspection may be
practicable, and responsibility in the teachers and elders may be
established, in such an hierarchy as the Presbyterian. For a time like
ours, it is a great point gained, that people should be taught to meet,
to combine, and to be classed and arrayed in some other way than in
clubs of Jacobins. If it be not the best mode of Protestantism under a
monarchy, it is still an orderly Christian church, orthodox in the
fundamentals, and, what is to our point, capable enough of rendering men
useful citizens. It was the impolitic abolition of their discipline,
which exposed them to the wild opinions and conduct that have prevailed
amongst the Huguenots. The toleration in 1787 was owing to the good
disposition of the late king; but it was modified by the profligate
folly of his atheistic minister, the Cardinal de Lomenie. This
mischievous minister did not follow, in the edict of toleration, the
wisdom of the Edict of Nantes. But his toleration was granted to
_non-Catholics_,--a dangerous word, which might signify anything, and
was but too expressive of a fatal indifference with regard to all piety.
I speak for myself: I do not wish any man to be converted from his sect.
The distinctions which we have reformed from animosity to emulation may
be even useful to the cause of religion. By some moderate contention
they keep alive zeal. Whereas people who change, except under strong
conviction, (a thing now rather rare,) the religion of their early
prejudices, especially if the conversion is brought about by any
political machine, are very apt to degenerate into indifference, laxity,
and often downright atheism.

Another political question arises about the mode of government which
ought to be established. I think the proclamation (which I read before I
had proceeded far in this memorial) puts it on the best footing, by
postponing that arrangement to a time of peace.

When our politics lead us to enterprise a great and almost total
political revolution in Europe, we ought to look seriously into the
consequences of what we are about to do. Some eminent persons discover
an apprehension that the monarchy, if res