great theme of the republican faction in England.
These ideas of M. Condorcet are the principles of those to whom kings
are to intrust their successors and the interests of their succession.
This man would be ready to plunge the poniard in the heart of his pupil,
or to whet the axe for his neck. Of all men, the most dangerous is a
warm, hot-headed, zealous atheist. This sort of man aims at dominion,
and his means are the words he always has in his mouth,--"_L'egalite
naturelle des hommes, et la souverainete du peuple_."

All former attempts, grounded on these rights of men, had proved
unfortunate. The success of this last makes a mighty difference in the
effect of the doctrine. Here is a principle of a nature to the multitude
the most seductive, always existing before their eyes _as a thing
feasible in practice_. After so many failures, such an enterprise,
previous to the French experiment, carried ruin to the contrivers, on
the face of it; and if any enthusiast was so wild as to wish to engage
in a scheme of that nature, it was not easy for him to find followers:
now there is a party almost in all countries, ready-made, animated with
success, with a sure ally in the very centre of Europe. There is no
cabal so obscure in any place, that they do not protect, cherish,
foster, and endeavor to raise it into importance at home and abroad.
From the lowest, this intrigue will creep up to the highest. Ambition,
as well as enthusiasm, may find its account in the party and in the
principle.

[Sidenote: Character of ministers.]

The ministers of other kings, like those of the king of France, (not one
of whom was perfectly free from this guilt, and some of whom were very
deep in it,) may themselves be the persons to foment such a disposition
and such a faction. Hertzberg, the king of Prussia's late minister, is
so much of what is called a philosopher, that he was of a faction with
that sort of politicians in everything, and in every place. Even when he
defends himself from the imputation of giving extravagantly into these
principles, he still considers the Revolution of France as a great
public good, by giving credit to their fraudulent declaration of their
universal benevolence and love of peace. Nor are his Prussian Majesty's
present ministers at all disinclined to the same system. Their
ostentatious preamble to certain late edicts demonstrates (if their
actions had not been sufficiently explanatory of their cast of mind)
tha