and horrible. No wonder that men haunted by such a spectre should be
driven to gloomy envy, sullen hate, and outbreaks of ferocity worse than
those provoked by actual suffering. No wonder that any schemes, however
frantic and however unrighteous, should have charms for a class whose
reason is disturbed by the perpetual vision of that ultimate but
undeniably possible horror. We have seen in France within the last few
weeks moral portents which can hardly be ascribed to any other final
cause an atrocious murder committed by workmen, and, what is infinitely
worse, extenuated and almost approved by responsible legislators. It is
probable that the Belgian riots approach as near as any witnessed in
Europe during the last two centuries to a revolt of actual want. Belgium
has secured an artificial manufacturing prominence--a disproportionate
trade to hard toil and low wages. The latter had lately been forced down
to the _minimum_, as profits had been well-nigh extinguished, by the
general depression of business. In fear of actual want, the populace
rose, wasted farms, destroyed factories, plundered and levied
blackmail--in a word, tried to inflict on others the misery that had
maddened themselves. The word has been given to the most quiet and
law-abiding people in Europe _to defend themselves_: a step far more
significant of stern intentions than the sharpest military repression.
Yet the Government is forced to accompany its preventive measures with
an expenditure of 20_s_ per head of the population on public
works--equivalent to an English rate in aid of twenty millions! Could
there be a more conclusive proof that the dread of hunger is a real and
a terrible power for evil among Continental nations; that their choice
lies, in a word, between a recognition of the right to subsistence--a
Poor Law with severe labour tests and restrictions--and periodical,
spasmodic measures of relief enforced by insurrection? Or can there be a
doubt, that the latter is infinitely the more dangerous and demoralizing
alternative: that only the adoption of a Poor law can prevent the
lessons of 1886 from shaking the very foundations of order, property and
civil government in countries situate as are France and Belgium?

It seems strange that French Democracy should not have long since
insisted on laying for ever the spectre of starvation by a Poor Law more
liberal than that of England. It must be remembered, however, that the
democracy of France is a