approaching to it in these days.'

The people, whom a few months ago Mr. Parnell denounced as representing
to him and his friends 'imprisonment, chains and death,' now came to
offer him a scheme of Irish nationality, and Shylock, recognizing the
wisdom of the sham Balthazar, was not more appreciative: 'A Daniel come
to judgment, yea a Daniel,' but, like Shylock, Mr. Parnell relied upon
his bond. Whilst he accepted the offering with the effusion of a
successful speculator, he took care to remind his hearers that he was
not bound to take it in discharge of his claim. He reserved any
'definite or positive expression of opinion;' 'there were undoubtedly
great faults and blots in the measure,' but he could safely say,
'whavever might be the fate of the Bill, the cause of Ireland, the cause
of Irish autonomy, will enormously gain by the genius of the right hon.
gentleman.' This is the solid result of the strange events which have
been passing for the last three months. A distinguished public man has
been called to office by the Parnellite vote. He has demanded and
obtained ample time to consider the difficulties of his position and
offer his solution.

A glance at the new scheme shows that the proposal is at once
disingenuous and fantastic. The Prime Minister shrinks from admitting
the nature of the work he is engaged in. He breaks up the unity of the
Kingdom, but he will not allow that his Bill involves the repeal of the
Union. But whatever quibbles may be indulged in, the main principle of
the Act of Union, that Ireland should be represented at Westminster is
swept away. As Irish nationality is not to be ignored, it finds
expression in a Parliament in Dublin; but Ireland is to pay a
contribution towards the debt and towards public defence, and in the
application of this money is to have no voice. Thus we have Irish
nationality started with machinery which sets aside the first principle
of free governments, that there should be no taxation without
representation; and the internal arrangements of the Dublin Parliament
are equally suggestive of confusion in the future.

The Prime Minister does not ask Parliament to disregard the risks to
which property and loyalty will be exposed in the Dublin Assembly, and
he proposes to satisfy our conscience by giving them the security of
representation in Dublin by a special Order. The Dublin Parliament is
divided into two Orders, each of which shall have a veto on the
legislation of th