ress, and it is this,
that it will be 'a _vital danger_ to the country if at the
time that the demand of Ireland for large powers of
self-government is to be dealt with--it will be a _vital
danger_ to the Empire if there is not in Parliament ready to
deal with that subject, ready to influence the proceedings
upon that subject, _a party totally independent of the Irish
vote_.'

Even the most enthusiastic followers of the Liberal chief have learnt to
be very cautious in saying what meaning is to be attributed to his
utterances, but there can be no doubt that this language was read by
the public as saying, 'whatever lengths I may go in working out the
principle of local government, whatever may be the understanding between
the Home Rulers and the Tories, I at least will not accept the principle
of an Irish Parliament.' Not only was this the natural reading of Mr.
Gladstone's declarations at the election, but nearly every member of his
party, who referred to this question at all, spoke in the same sense.
Mr. Campbell Bannerman denounced the Parnellite demands as 'separation
under one name or another,' and many other Liberals were equally
emphatic, whilst a still larger number never alluded to the subject.

Well may Lord Hartington protest against the competence of the present
Parliament to deal with the legislation now proposed.

'There was no thought, no warning held out to the country,
that a radical reform in the relations between Great Britain
and Ireland would be the main work of the present
Parliament.... The country had no sufficient warning--I
think I may say the country had no warning at all--that any
proposals of the magnitude and vastness of those which were
unfolded to us last night were to be considered in the
present Parliament, much less were to form the first subject
of consideration upon the meeting of this Parliament. I am
perfectly aware that there exists in our Constitution no
principle of the mandate. I know that the mandate of the
constituencies is as unknown to our Constitution, as the
distinction between fundamental laws and laws which are of
an inferior sanction. But, although no principle of a
mandate may exist, I maintain that there are certain limits
which Parliament is bound to observe, and beyond which
Parliament has morally not the right to go in its relations
with