ith his schemes, he did not
hesitate a moment to consolidate the power of the National League. The
subject of evictions for non-payment of rent was brought before the new
Government in the form of a question, alleging that a particular
eviction was not in strict conformity with the landlord's right. Mr.
Morley offered to consider the question of right, and added that what
was much wanted in Ireland was 'a strict and scrupulous and literal
spirit of legality.' Later on the same evening, Mr. Dillon made a
vigorous appeal to the Chief Secretary not to give the aid of armed
force to carry out evictions. Mr. Morley responded with alacrity. 'I for
one am not prepared to admit that we are justified in every case, in
which a shadow of legal title is made out, to bring out the military
force to execute decrees which, on the ground of public policy as well
as that of equity, may seem inadvisable and unnecessary.' Legal right,
if it is relied on in favour of the subjects of the Land League, must be
interpreted in a 'scrupulous and literal spirit.' If it is acted on by
the landlord, there come in considerations of public policy and of
equity.
The result of a long debate was that organized resistance to the
execution of the law would not be interfered with, unless the Government
were satisfied that in particular circumstances equity required such
interference. We have thus arrived at once at a system of official
despotism. The law is not to be a guarantee of the rights of the
subject, unless so far as the Minister may think fit to permit it. And
this dispensing power is to be exercised in favour of the subjects of
the National League.
The self-sufficiency of the Liberal party had been vigorously appealed
to during the years 1883-5. Liberals tried to persuade themselves, that
the comparative repose of Ireland was due to, or was likely to generate,
a Conservative feeling amongst the farmer class. Their harvests were
good, and they had got so much from the Land Bill, they had so much, in
fact, to lose now, in comparison with their condition in former years,
men argued, that they would not care to risk their well-being in pursuit
of Nationalist projects, with the certainty of being subject to the
village ruffians Mr. Forster had described whilst the struggle was going
on, with the probability of having to share what they had with these
same ruffians as soon as an Irish Parliament obtained power.
This reasoning took little account
|