d our people. It required all the
exertions of the most sober part of the nation to prevent our becoming
involved in the conflict, and we recollect the help this party of wisdom
got from the impulsive statesman who has undertaken for the third time
the final settlement of the Irish question. If the great American Civil
War, desolating a country three thousand miles away, thus stirred
popular feeling, what will be the result of a Civil War between, on the
one side, the Irish Celt animated by religious hatred and love of
plunder, and supported by the Irish American, and on the other the
loyalty, endurance and Protestantism of Ulster--a Civil War almost
within sight of our shores?

But, if we turn from the suggestions of empiricism and vanity and come
to those practical considerations which affect men's minds in matters so
important as political organization, the main argument pressed on
English people is that we cannot go on as we are. 'Irish Government is a
failure.' 'We must close this terrible crisis as rapidly as possible.'
'Separation itself, could not be worse than the present state of
things.' 'The Act of Union has completely failed. After eighty-four
years it has given an Ireland more hostile to England than at any period
of its history.' Mr. Gladstone recites the number of Coercion Acts,
which have been passed since 1832, and declares 'we are like the man
who, knowing that medicine may be the means of his restoration to
health, endeavours to live upon medicine.'

Before considering whether this confession of failure is true, we would
remind our readers what it implies, what it leads up to. It is now
proposed as an argument for establishing a separate Parliament in
Dublin. The establishment of this separate Parliament is necessary,
because we must give Ireland the opportunity of doing what we ourselves
are unable to do, to find the best machinery they can to carry on the
business of government. But, when this machinery is once found and
invested with the resources and influence of a Government, we cannot
suppose that our troubles will be at an end. If disputes arise in the
working out of the new Irish Constitution, the popular majority will not
be slow to call in the aid of the American Irish who have founded the
National League. Mr. Jennings, whose opinion on this matter is entitled
to great weight, from his long residence in the United States, reminded
the House that

'one consideration which they must b