savage energy that campaign against the _personnel_
of the Irish administration, which Mr. John Morley had so warmly
espoused up to the murder of Mr. Burke. A continual storm of abuse and
calumny was directed against Lord Spencer and every one else concerned
with Irish government. Mr. Clifford Lloyd and Mr. Trevelyan were removed
by way of warning, that there was no room in Ireland for public servants
who did their duty. The National League, in fact, became in each
district a conspicuous and formidable power. Their representatives in
Parliament received much attention from the Prime Minister and his
colleagues. They exercised great influence and had many chances before
them in the new organization of the electorate. With all these
advantages on the side of the Irish Revolution, the Queen's Government
had nobody to champion it but the not imposing personality of Lord
Spencer.

It is not surprising that in such a state of things Ireland was already,
at the commencement of 1885, like a country occupied by two hostile
armies. There was the National League camp with its scouts and
emissaries all over the country, with a vigorous Press proclaiming its
policy and success. The Government forces remained within their lines,
attempting nothing, doing nothing, unless some outrage by a moonlight
gang compelled them to make some show of interference to check violation
of the truce between treason and loyalty. The greatest care was taken
not to identify the Government with the scattered Loyalists. They might
be very worthy persons, but they were the special aversion of the
Nationalist party, and the business of the Government was not to protect
or encourage loyalty, but to prevent Nationalism from going too fast.
The Nationalist aspirations of Mr. Gladstone's friends were not to be
irritated by attentions shown to their adversaries.

When Parliament reassembled in the spring of 1885, men asked what
provision was made for renewing the Crimes Act, which would expire in
the autumn. Week after week passed, month after month; and it was
impossible to extract from the Ministry what their policy was as regards
the government of Ireland. At length, in the summer, it was announced
that on a day, which was never fixed, a Bill would be introduced
renewing certain provisions of the expiring Act. This announcement from
the Treasury Bench was followed at once by a notice from Mr. John Morley
to oppose the Bill. So much time had already been lost,