le comes there must be no misplaced leniency to any of the inferior
races who interpose between Germany and her legitimate place in the
sun.[3] The ideal is almost too naive and too ferocious to be conceived by
ordinary minds. Yet here it all stands in black and white. According to
Bernhardi's volume German militarism means at least two things. First the
suppression of every other nationality except the German; second the
suppression of the whole civilian element in the population under the heel
of the German drill-sergeant. Is it any wonder that the recent war has
been conducted by Berlin with such appalling barbarism and ferocity?

[3] _Germany and the Next War_, by F. von Bernhardi. See especially Chap.
V, "World-Power or Downfall." Other works which may be consulted are
Professor J.A. Cramb's _Germany and England_ (esp. pp. 111-112) and
Professor Usher's _Pan-Germanism_.

THE EVILS OF AUTOCRACY

Our inquiry so far has led to two conclusions. We have discovered by
bitter experience that a personal ascendancy, such as the German Emperor
wields, is in the highest degree perilous to the interests of peace: and
that a militarism such as that which holds in its thrall the German Empire
is an open menace to intellectual culture and to Christian ethics. But we
must not suppose that these conclusions are only true so far as they apply
to the Teutonic race, and that the same phenomena observed elsewhere are
comparatively innocuous. Alas! autocracy in any and every country seems to
be inimical to the best and highest of social needs, and militarism,
wherever found, is the enemy of pacific social development. Let us take a
few instances at haphazard of the danger of the personal factor in
European politics. There is hardly a person to be found nowadays who
defends the Crimean war, or indeed thinks that it was in any sense
inevitable. Yet if there was one man more than another whose personal will
brought it about, it was--not Lord Aberdeen who ought to have been
responsible--but Lord Stratford de Redcliffe. "The great Eltchi," as he
was called, was our Ambassador at Constantinople, a man of uncommon
strength of will, which, as is often the case with these powerful natures,
not infrequently degenerated into sheer obstinacy. He had made up his mind
that England was to support Turkey and fight with Russia, and inasmuch as
Louis Napoleon, for the sake of personal glory, had similar opinions,
France as well as England was dragged